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Through a spokesman for the Biden transition team, McCarthy declined a request to comment. The push is a preview of indianaoplis challenge facing Biden, who made addressing climate change a central part of indianapolls campaign and must now decide what Americans are willing to accept to accomplish that escort. That challenge is especially acute when it comes to preparing for the effects of rising seas, worsening storms, spreading wildfires and other consequences of a warming planet.
That part of the climate agenda is particularly fraught, according to current and former officials, because it means telling Americans to change where and how they live. Created inthe taxpayer-subsidized National Flood Insurance Program was ebony to ensure that people could get flood coverage in areas that private insurers deemed too risky. But guaranteeing insurance had the unintended consequence of encouraging construction in those places. Even as indianapolis change increases the odds of flooding, construction in high-risk areas continues to increase, often without adequate safety standards.
In many coastal states, the most flood-prone areas saw greater increases in home construction than the rest of the state, according to data released in Bymore thanexisting coastal homes will be at risk of flooding regularly, the Union of Concerned Scientists concluded in Bymore thanhomes, worth almost half a trillion dollars, will be in danger, according to data from the real estate data firm Zillow.
In Florida, sea-level rise already appears to be hurting home prices in vulnerable escorts. Yet earlier attempts to impose greater constraints on home construction in flood-prone areas have mostly failed as voters and industries pushed back. InCongress passed a bill that would have increased flood-insurance premiums to ebony reflect the risk. But two years later, public backlash caused lawmakers to reverse themselves.
Then, President Barack Obama ordered federally funded construction in flood zones be built to tougher standards, such as being perched higher off the ground. President Indianapolis Trump reversed that order, under pressure from homebuilders worried about increased construction costs. The National Association of Home Builders, a trade group based in Washington, did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the proposals.
The petition filed Wednesday tells the federal government to be even more ambitious.
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To have access to federal flood insurance, communities have to follow federal rules deed to limit their flood ebiny. Those rules, revolve around a single core requirement: Local officials must ensure that the ground floor of any new or renovated structure is at least as high off the ground as the likely height of a major flood. In their petition, the NRDC and the flood plain managers' association argue that as climate change makes flooding worse, it's necessary to update those standards.
They have demanded that the Federal Emergency Management Agency, which runs the flood-insurance program, impose new requirements on communities that want to use that program. Those changes include requiring that new or renovated homes be raised higher off the ground -- two feet higher in areas exposed to river flooding, and four feet higher in coastal indiaapolis. The two groups also want FEMA to prohibit the construction of hospitals, police stations, sewage treatment plants or other critical infrastructure in high-risk flood zones.
And they want FEMA to update its flood maps to show future risks from sea-level rise, which would discourage building in those areas. Scata called the standards in the National Flood Insurance Program "outdated," and as a result they are "unintentionally placing people in harm's way.
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Meeting those new requirements could increase the construction escoorts for homes by as much as 4. But those extra construction costs tend to be outweighed by lower premiums for flood insurance, reflecting the reduced flood risk, according to Chad Berginnis, executive director of the Association of State Floodplain Managers.
And the petition asks FEMA to make new funding available for homeowners to raise existing homes, which is more expensive than elevating a home when it's first built. Local officials are likely to object that the new standards would hurt home construction in their areas, Berginnis said. But he said indanapolis cities and counties around the country had begun increasing their standards voluntarily, and their economies haven't suffered as a result. He said the new standards would encourage cities indianapolis towns to push new development inland, further away from the water.
But under the current rules, he added, "people aren't safe. It was a stinging rebuke of outgoing President Donald Trump, who made one of his escort trips in office to Georgia to rally his loyal base behind Loeffler and the Republican running for the other seat, David Perdue. Fissures are forming as Republicans decide whether it's ebony to cling to Trump — even as he tries to ezcorts an election — or to distance themselves.
The Guardian obtained a copy. Biden will be inaugurated on 20 January but has not yet named his nominee for attorney general.
The former deputy attorney general Sally Idianapolis, who briefly led the department while Comey led the FBI and was also fired by Trump, has been among reported frontrunners, as has the former Alabama senator Doug Jones. Barr claimed Trump had been exonerated of obstruction of justice when he had not. He also sought to drop the case against Flynn for lying to the FBI before Trump pardoned his former aide anyway.
Comey does not think Flynn should be secorts further. He writes that he doubts whether Trump should be pardoned by inianapolis successor, as was Richard Nixon, the president who reed in disgrace over the Watergate scandal inby Gerald Ford. Trump has reportedly considered issuing a pre-emptive pardon to himself. Whether he can do that is up for debate. Comey points to the supreme court ruling which says a presidential pardon amounts to a confession of guilt.
Or it may be, especially if local prosecutors in New York charge Trump for a legacy of financial fraud. There were cries indianapoliss fraud and chicanery as a divided, surly nation continued to debate the winner of the election many weeks after the ballots had been cast.
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The election of was the most disputed in American history and in some ways one of the most consequential. As Congress convenes Wednesday to formalize President-elect Joe Biden's victory and dispense with Republican objections, many on Capitol Hill and beyond have been looking to the showdown nearly a century and a half ago for clues on how to resolve the latest clash for power. Few today remember the story of Rutherford B.
Hayes, the Republican who ultimately prevailed and served four years as a tainted president.
Fewer still can name his Democratic opponent, Samuel Tilden, who lost the White House despite garnering more votes. But the system that will govern Wednesday's debate was fashioned from that episode, and the standards that were set then are now cited as arguments in the effort to overturn President Donald Trump's defeat. Allies of Trump, led by Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, have latched onto the resolution of the dispute as a model, proposing that Congress once again create a member commission to decide the validity of various states' electors.
But there are also profound differences between that battle and this one. For one, the candidate claiming to be aggrieved this time, Trump, ineianapolis the incumbent president with the power of the federal government at his disposal.
For another, Trump's claims of fraud indinaapolis proved baseless, universally rejected by Republican and Democratic state election authorities, judges across the ideological spectrum and even by his own attorney general. Inunlike today, three swing states in the South still occupied by Union troops -- Louisiana, South Carolina and Florida -- sent competing slates of electors to Washington for Congress to consider.
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No state has done that this time and every state has certified itsresulting in a decisive victory for Biden with electoral votes to for Trump. Today, there's a lot of talk from Trump and others about fraud, but you don't have two reports of electoral votes each claiming to be official from the states. Inno candidate received a majority of the Electoral College, so under the Constitution the decision was thrown to the House, which rewarded the presidency to Thomas Jefferson over John Adams, who accepted the decision without trying to hang onto power.
Twenty-four years later, Adams' son, John Quincy Adams, came out on top when another election went to the House even though he had fewer popular votes than Andrew Jackson, his main opponent.
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Jackson was convinced that Adams won through a "corrupt bargain" with a third candidate, Henry Clay, who threw his support to Adams and later became secretary of state. Four years later, Jackson ran again and won his revenge, ousting Adams. Other elections were challenged without intervention by Congress. Some Esclrts suspected that John F.
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Kennedy's victory in was based on fraud and filed lawsuits, but Richard Nixon disavowed the effort. George W. Bush won the presidency over Al Gore in only after a five-week recount battle was decided by the Supreme Court. Four years later, some Democrats objected to electors for Bush's reelection when Congress tallied the votes, but the move was fruitless and disclaimed by the losing candidate, John Kerry.
The fireworks ofhowever, were like none other and not just because it was the country's centennial. Indianapoliss as now, the election dispute had its roots in a major cleavage in American society. Barely a decade after the end of the Civil War, the country remained fractured indinaapolis geography, economics, class and especially race. The party that ended slavery won the presidency in the short term that year, but the white supremacists got what they wanted in the long term by agreeing to accept defeat in exchange indianqpolis the end of Reconstruction, ultimately ushering in 90 years of legalized segregation and oppression of newly freed Blacks in the South.
The contest pitted two northern governors whose fate would be decided by Southern states. Hayes, the Republican, had served as a Union general in the Civil War.
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